PAD and its real ideals: What it really wants
In Plato's words, the imbalance between the rich and the poor is the most fatal ailment to all republics. 3000 years later, this theory or even prediction in Plato’s Republic did come true. Thailand, one of South East Asia’s biggest democracies, had truly faced the test of its time by meeting its Achilles’ heel, something democracies hate and Marxists love---The problem of Class Divide. And well, things do get a bit messy when this problem strikes a semi-royalist nation that had been plagued with corruption, coups, class divides for more than a century.
“Down with Thaksin”, “Down with Samak”, “Hail the King”, “Samak, get out!” As these calls blast throughout the streets in Bangkok, as these protestors gather in the name of King Bhumibol, as the political crisis in Thailand worsens, as the military braced itself for yet another coup, the People’s Alliance for Democracy seemed uninterested in the welfare of the nation, but rather this misnamed supporter of Democracy seemed more interested in destructing a country, removing a democratically elected government from power, destroying the economy of the nation.
All these months, we see how the PAD condemn the PPP coalition, we see how Sondhi Limthongkul, with his artful rhetorical skills, appeal to the mass public; we see how the pro and anti government forces clash with each other. But to think about it, had the PAD been justified in its actions? What is the PAD really hoping to achieve at the end of the day? What do they want?And this is the question Samak’s government tried to answer, but sadly, failed to do so.
Proponents to the PAD had constantly justified their advocacy for Samak’s resignation and the dissolving of the House based on 4 major factors: Firstly, High Treason, where Samak’s government is accused of les majesté by allegedly attempting to change Thailand into a Republic. Secondly, Proxy of a fugitive, where they accuse Samak to be a puppet of the premier-turned-fugitive Thaksin Shinawatra, Thirdly, undemocratic charges where they accuse the PPP of rampant vote-buying in the North. Lastly, illegitimate and ignorant voters, where the PAD argued that the PPP’s mandate was exploited from politically naïve civilians in the North, and thus their rule is illegitimate. Based on these 4 factors, the PAD, made up of a Buddhist Advocate, a Journalist, a former General, made themselves comfortable by barging into the State TV Station, and camping in the Government House.
Simple and straightforward as the PAD’s ideals may seem to be, I however strongly oppose the justifications of the PAD’s actions and believe that these charges brought up by PAD such as les majesté, vote-buying and corruption allegations were all but a pretext to the actual problem in which Thailand had been facing for the past 60 years or so, the issue of class-divide, the issue of alienation and the issue of power-struggle.
What the PAD really wants, is the restoration of power back to Bangkok’s traditional elite, what the PAD really wants, is the alienation of the rural North from the centre elites, what the PAD really wants, is to ruin democracy, safeguarding the power of the bureaucrats, military and the middle-classes for eternity. The PAD in this case, is nothing more than a wolf-in-the-sheep’s clothing, whose ultimate purpose is not to denounce the corrupted government, but rather, to use the pretext of “Corruption”, to force a second coup d’état, returning power to the traditional elites, the military, the bureaucrats and the middle-class, allowing them to rule the nation, further limiting the powers of the rural North.
New as it may seem to us, this problem of class conflict between the middle class and the lower class, however, is no stranger to Thailand’s unique political climate where the North was historically seen as a contrasting antithesis to the capitalist policies in centre Thailand, more specifically, Bangkok, where the elites and the bourgeoisies reside. This hostile relationship between the North and the Capital further exacerbated into different forms of political crises especially in the past 6 years, where former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra controversial universal healthcare policies, rebates, free education for the poor as well as a variety of populist policies, had angered the middle and upper class elites, who saw Thaksin as a major threat to their power, business and influence over the North. Truth be told, Thaksin’s regime might have ended in the 2006 coup, but what remained was his legacy, and this legacy was furthered by the PPP who campaigned themselves as proxies of Thaksin, promising the same populist policies. Fearing a repeat of Thaksin’s regime, the PAD, predominantly made up of middle-class and upper-class elites, protested against Samak, hoping to antagonize and trigger a second coup, returning the power to the military, and the bureaucrats, the traditional middle-upper class elites in the country.
This is henceforth the answer to Samak's problem as well as the underlying cause for the current PAD “uprising” against Samak’s government, and this true problem of alienation and class-divide, was what that triggered the PAD’s formation in a desperate bid to restore power to Thailand’s traditional middle-upper classes elites. And it is precisely this problem, which Samak and his coalition partners have failed to recognize, explaining their inapt in solving this problem that had drained national prestige, national resources and national sovereignty. While proponents for the PAD had constantly justified their “rebellions” and “street protests” with the notion of “protecting” the Siamese Kingdom from Thaksin and Samak’s evil plans of turning the nation into a Republic, as well as their unfound allegations of Northern voters being “Stupid” and “Politically ignorant”, these “factors” are ultimately all but some clever shades of delusions, masterfully drawn out to conceal the real vested interests of Chamlong Srimuang and Sondhi Limthongkul. These masterminds behind the PAD uprising are skilful puppeteers waiting for an opportunity to launch a second coup, ruining Thailand’s democracy once and for all, and ultimately bringing the power over the nation back to the traditional ruling elite.
As the world braces itself for a prolonged economic recession, these advocators for democracy seemed to be only interested in a paradigm shift in her nation’s own democracy, hoping in a restoration of power back to the once almighty middle and upper class elites. And if the PAD does succeed, Thailand's long established democracy, by the Asian standards of pluralistic politics, will seriously be in grave danger.
Ladies and Gentlemen, Thai democracy is dead, long live democracy.
CxChua
Wednesday, September 3, 2008
TIME Excerpt
It’s an unlikely command center. But a single piece of blue tarp laid behind loops of razor wire and stacks of tires serves as the makeshift headquarters of the anti-government alliance that has thrown Thai politics into anarchy. Sitting cross-legged on the sheeting, Sondhi Limthongkul, the co-leader of the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD), explains why thousands of protesters have occupied Bangkok's Government House, Thailand's seat of power, for more than a week to call for the resignation of Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej. "It's taken for granted in the West that democracy is the best system," says Sondhi, a media mogul by day. "But all we are getting in Thailand is the same vicious circle of corrupt, power-hungry leaders. This system is not working."
So on Aug. 26, Sondhi and his followers decided, instead, to take over Samak's offices, hoping that extreme trespassing would supplant the power of the ballot box. At first, the mood at the besieged compound was celebratory, with the Alliance supplying plenty of free food and drinks — and even veteran rock stars coming to entertain the crowds. But early on Sept. 2, the atmosphere took a sudden turn when a deadly street battle erupted between the PAD and a counter-protest group that supports the embattled Prime Minister. Dozens were injured as mobs attacked each other with whatever weapons were on hand — bamboo sticks, guns, even the odd golf club. At least one protester lost his life in the melee. Later that day, Samak declared a state of emergency, which authorizes the military to assume control of security in the capital and theoretically outlaws any public gathering of more than five people.
The decree, though, failed to deter many camped out at Government House, who accuse Samak of acting as a proxy for former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, who was deposed in a 2006 military coup and now faces corruption charges. "We are ready to fight," vowed Jantana Klinchan, a sandwich vendor from central Thailand, as she swayed to a folk song calling for political change. "We are not scared to defend ourselves." That kind of brinksmanship may be just what the PAD wants. Its leaders decry the electoral system in Thailand, alleging that vote-buying in poor rural areas largely discredits any poll results. (Indeed, Samak's People Power Party is facing possible dissolution by the courts because of an electoral-fraud conviction of its former deputy leader.) "If democracy brings Samak, then I dont want it," says Wijeau Noinoo, a finance executive from the southern city of Trang who was relaxing on the terrace of Government House. "We have to figure out another way."
But finding that alternative path — especially if it means prolonging the sit-in throwing Bangkok off balance — risks stoking more violence. And it's not clear who members of PAD, which is not a political party itself, want to lead the country after Samak. Although many of those barricaded at Government House support the opposition Democrat Party, their numbers lagged behind the PPP's in last year's polls. Even Sondhi isn't willing to name a single person whom he believes could successfully lead the country. "We know we have to change," he says, "but we don't know how exactly to do it yet." In the meantime, Sondhi is of the act-first-and-negotiate-later school of politics. It's a stance that gives him a rock-and-roll rebel aura at PAD assemblies, but his attitude surely plays less favorably among foreign investors and tourists, on whose pocketbooks Thailand's economy depends.
Nevertheless, PAD supporters say they will hold their ground until Samak is out. "The first thing is to get rid of the government," says Surapol Chinakulprasert, a 48-year-old second-hand goods trader clapping along as PAD leaders rallied their troops from a giant stage set up in the garden of Government House. "Then we can figure everything else out."
So on Aug. 26, Sondhi and his followers decided, instead, to take over Samak's offices, hoping that extreme trespassing would supplant the power of the ballot box. At first, the mood at the besieged compound was celebratory, with the Alliance supplying plenty of free food and drinks — and even veteran rock stars coming to entertain the crowds. But early on Sept. 2, the atmosphere took a sudden turn when a deadly street battle erupted between the PAD and a counter-protest group that supports the embattled Prime Minister. Dozens were injured as mobs attacked each other with whatever weapons were on hand — bamboo sticks, guns, even the odd golf club. At least one protester lost his life in the melee. Later that day, Samak declared a state of emergency, which authorizes the military to assume control of security in the capital and theoretically outlaws any public gathering of more than five people.
The decree, though, failed to deter many camped out at Government House, who accuse Samak of acting as a proxy for former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, who was deposed in a 2006 military coup and now faces corruption charges. "We are ready to fight," vowed Jantana Klinchan, a sandwich vendor from central Thailand, as she swayed to a folk song calling for political change. "We are not scared to defend ourselves." That kind of brinksmanship may be just what the PAD wants. Its leaders decry the electoral system in Thailand, alleging that vote-buying in poor rural areas largely discredits any poll results. (Indeed, Samak's People Power Party is facing possible dissolution by the courts because of an electoral-fraud conviction of its former deputy leader.) "If democracy brings Samak, then I dont want it," says Wijeau Noinoo, a finance executive from the southern city of Trang who was relaxing on the terrace of Government House. "We have to figure out another way."
But finding that alternative path — especially if it means prolonging the sit-in throwing Bangkok off balance — risks stoking more violence. And it's not clear who members of PAD, which is not a political party itself, want to lead the country after Samak. Although many of those barricaded at Government House support the opposition Democrat Party, their numbers lagged behind the PPP's in last year's polls. Even Sondhi isn't willing to name a single person whom he believes could successfully lead the country. "We know we have to change," he says, "but we don't know how exactly to do it yet." In the meantime, Sondhi is of the act-first-and-negotiate-later school of politics. It's a stance that gives him a rock-and-roll rebel aura at PAD assemblies, but his attitude surely plays less favorably among foreign investors and tourists, on whose pocketbooks Thailand's economy depends.
Nevertheless, PAD supporters say they will hold their ground until Samak is out. "The first thing is to get rid of the government," says Surapol Chinakulprasert, a 48-year-old second-hand goods trader clapping along as PAD leaders rallied their troops from a giant stage set up in the garden of Government House. "Then we can figure everything else out."
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